@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ Date: Tue, 5 Dec 1995 From: •••@••.••• (Ann Beeson) To: Multiple recipients of list <•••@••.•••> Subject: URGENT: Organizations to Oppose White and Hyde Censorship Proposals X-To: •••@••.•••, •••@••.•••, •••@••.•••, •••@••.••• URGENT! The ACLU and other civil liberties organizations will be delivering the following letter to the House conferees tomorrow. If your organization is opposed to **any** proposal to impose new government censorship regulations on cyberspace, and you would like the sign the letter, please send a message to Ann Beeson, ACLU, •••@••.•••, with your organization's name and contact information. We need to hear from you by 9:30 a.m., Wednesday, 12/6/95, in order to include your organization on the letter. We will post the final version of the letter, as delivered with signatures, in our 12/6 issue of the ACLU Cyber-Liberties Update. Thanks very much for fighting censorship in cyberspace. AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION ------------------------- December 6, 1995 Dear : We understand that the House conferees on telecommunications deregulation are scheduled to consider the fate of free speech and prviacy in cyberspace. The American Civil Liberties Union urges you reject all proposals to impose new government censorship regulations on cyberspace and online communications. When the Senate passed telecommunications deregulation legislation, it grafted onto the bill the Exon amendment that would establish regulatory control over the content of speech in cyberspace, criminalize making available so-called "indecent" content to persons under 18, and impose other speech crimes on cyberspace users. This provoked a storm of criticism from many quarters. The Speaker, for example, called the Exon amendment "clearly a violation of free speech and it's a violation of the right of adults to communicate with each other." And Representative Cox was concerned about the Senate passing a bill that "empowers the FCC and the criminal justice system to develop new means of government control over the content and delivery of information over the Internet." Ironically, the House conferees on the bill now confront the Hyde and White proposals, each of which would also violate free speech, violate the rights of adults to communicate with each other, and establish new government control over what we say and see in the online world. The Hyde proposal would even do so more than the Exon amendment -- yet it is being seriously considered. Although the ACLU has not yet taken a position on the overall telecommunications bill, the damage to privacy and free speech from both proposals is so severe we will oppose any bill that includes the Hyde, Exon, Grassley or White proposals. The Hyde proposal combines the worst features of the Senate's Exon amendment with still other schemes to regulate content. While the White proposal differs from Hyde language in some potentially important ways, and is less onerous, it remains fundamentally flawed. The White proposal too would violate the First Amendment and privacy rights of adults to communicate freely in the online environment. And it too would impose a complex regulatory scheme over what people communicate in the Internet. The Hyde proposal, even more than the Exon amendment, is unconstitutional because it takes indecency, a type of speech protected by the First Amendment, and tries to regulate it in a way that violates what the Supreme Court has said must be the touchstone for regulating protected speech. The Hyde proposal fails to use the constitutionally required "least restrictive means" to obtain its goals. It also fails to take into account the particular characteristics of interactive media in the online environment, rendering its attempt to prohibit obscenity constitutionally infirm. See, e.g., Sable Communications v. FCC, 492 U.S. 115 (1989); Pacifica Foundation v. FCC, 438 U.S. 726 (1978). The Hyde proposal, even more than the Exon amendment, is bad public policy because it will effectively reduce voluntary communications among consenting adults to those appropriate only for children. Much of what consenting adults -- even married consenting adults -- prize about some of their communications could well be deemed by outsiders as "indecent" if addressed to a child. Online bulletin boards and chat groups provide a social network that brings together consenting adults with shared interests in ways that were not previously possible, including the possibility for communications on a many-to-many basis instead of one-to-one. Because minors could gain access to these spaces, the Hyde proposal would require adults to censor all these messages to ensure that they are not prosecuted for "indecent" speech. The Hyde proposal is also bad public policy because it subjects all Americans to the most narrow of community standards found in the most socially conservative of locations. Even those who respect the social mores of such locations would not insist on imposing those mores on the millions of Americans who have chosen to live elsewhere. The Hyde proposal is also bad public policy because it stunts the growth of a promising, and potentially democratizing, new communications medium -- thereby jeopardizing millions of new jobs -- and would thwart the growth of the marketplace of ideas. The White proposal is less onerous and intrusive than the Hyde (or Exon or Grassley) proposals, but the White language would still violate the free speech and privacy rights of those who communicate online. Like Hyde, the White proposal would effectively subject all communications to the community standards of the most conservative location with the same unfair results. The White proposal criminalizes communicating to anyone under 18 any content that is deemed "harmful to minors." Such a standard would be created at the federal level for the first time, so that the White proposal creates an entirely new federal category of speech crimes. The White proposal goes even further to prohibit not merely direct communications but the online "display" of such materials. The Supreme Court, which has never ruled on a harmful to minors "display" statute, noted that such laws "raise substantial constitutional questions." American Booksellers Association v. Va., 484 U.S. 383, 394 (1988). Like Hyde, this White proposal would still have a severe adverse impact on communications between adults and would, especially given the inadequacy of the defenses, inevitably coerce content and access providers to infantalize their programming so that they could be sure they were not displaying something deemed harmful to minors. The ACLU strongly believes that no new speech crimes are justified, and that interests such as parental concerns are adequately addressed without such governmental intervention. But if such crimes were to be created, they should be narrowly crafted. In the words of leaders and communications scholars from CATO, Heritage, American Enterprise Institute, Progress & Freedom, The Manhattan Institute, Citizens for a Sound Economy and Americans for Tax Reform in their November 7th letter, such a law should "clearly identify proscribed content; target and punish active wrongdoers, not passive actors such as access and service providers; [and] when in doubt, favor the market over governmental intervention . . ." Unfortunately, even the White proposal (which is less sweeping that Hyde, Exon or Grassley) does not in our view meet this test. The White proposal includes speech crimes that are so overreaching that the proposal has to include complex defenses to limit their effect. Obviously, providing some defense (as in White) is less harmful than providing no defense (like Hyde) to an overreaching criminal prohibition. But surely criminal law should be drafted so that it does not overreach in the first place. Moreover, the defenses provided by White are too vaguely worded and too limited to undo the harm of its criminal prohibitions. Although corporations with large legal departments may fare better, the small independent content access providers will be effectively frozen out of the defenses, with the chilling effect on their own speech for fear of offending the vague prohibitions. The same is true for the individual user who communicates in chat rooms and on bulletins. Thus, White (as well as Hyde and Exon) will harm the very people who have made cyberspace the incredibly rich source of information it is today. Thus both Hyde and White proposals create the very danger that these libertarian and conservative leaders warned against: "Intrusive content regulation of cyber-speech will unduly chill free expression and needlessly undermine the vitality of the on-line/Internet market at the very time that the marketplace is addressing the concerns that motivate supporters of the Exon amendment." Fundamentally, the ACLU urges you to recognize that there is no real-world problem with online communications, or at least no real problem warranting governmental intervention. To the extent that people are concerned about what material is accessed on their computer, the technology exists today (with more arriving monthly) that enables parents, for example, to prevent their children from accessing Internet sites with sexual content. Online service and access providers are also eager to use available mechanisms to curb access when requested by their subscriber. Frequently all it takes is a phone call. Software also exists today that enables parents to have their computer shut down if their child gets an unacceptable question (like "Are your parents home?," "What's your name?" or "Where do you live?"). Again, these free or inexpensive protections exist today and can be used at the parent's option. Telecommunications deregulation legislation should not create a new regulatory scheme to control speech in cyberspace. The ACLU urges the conferees on the telecommunications deregulation legislation to reject the Hyde, Grassley, Exon and White proposals, and any other provision that would restrict online communications or create new speech crimes or otherwise invade the privacy of Americans online. Sincerely, Laura W. Murphy Director, Washington National Office Donald Haines Legislative Counsel @@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@ ~=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=~=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=~--~=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=~=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=~ Posted by Richard K. Moore <•••@••.•••> Wexford, Ireland (USA citizen) Editor: The Cyberjournal (@CPSR.ORG) See the CyberLib at: http://www.internet-eireann.ie/cyberlib See Cyber-Rights library: http://www.cpsr.org/cpsr/nii/cyber-rights/ You are encouraged to forward and cross-post messages and online materials for non-commercial use, provided they are copied in their entirety, with all headers, signatures, etc., intact. ~=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=~=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=~--~=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=~=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=~